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朱总理两会记者招待会(全文 中英文对照版)

 

(第九届人大四次会议,2001年3月15日北京)
FULL TEXT OF PREMIER ZHU’S PRESS CONFERENCE AT 4TH SESSION OF 9TH NPCIN CHINESE AND ENGLISH (03/15/2001 Beijing)
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新华社记者:您在这次会议的报告中提出,近期要继续实施积极的财政政策,请问您如何看待中国现在的财政赤字?如果再连续几年增发国债的话,财政风险会不会逐渐加大?会不会出现通货膨胀?

朱噷基答:1997年亚洲发生金融危机,中国经济也面临很大的困难,一个是外贸出口大幅度下降。

1997年中国的出口增长了20%,到1998年出口变成了零增长,以至于负增长。有的中小金融机构发生了一些危机或者说挤兑,国有企业约有一千万职工下岗,因为需求不足,大多数工业产品生产能力都供过于求。当时面临着这幺大的困难,对究竟应当采取什幺对策有各种各样的建议。比方说,有人建议人民币应该贬值,以促进出口;也有另外一种建议,把国有资产卖了就可以渡过这个危机。但是党中央、国务院果断作出了采取积极财政政策和稳健货币政策的决策,这个决策执行三年以来,事实证明是正确的。

为什幺是正确的呢?因为当时的历史条件是中国的人、财、物都不缺乏。财,指的是银行里居民的储蓄存款很多。但由于工业加工生产能力过剩,已经没有多少有效益的项目可以把银行的存款贷出去,而银行还得照付利息。如果国有银行的这些资金不能动用起来,对国家财政就是很沉重的负担。因此,我们采取由国家财政向银行发行国债的形式,把银行的资金动用起来。另一方面,有些国有企业的生产能力严重过剩,只有进行基础设施建设,才能够把这些过剩的生产能力利用起来。在这种情况下,我们三年发了3600亿元国债搞基础设施建设,把整个国民经济都带动起来了。现在看,成绩是非常明显的。

首先,这些资金都是投入基础设施建设的。这三年,我们修建了17万公里的公路,1万公里是高速公路;新建、扩建和电气化铁路1万公里;长江几千里的大堤也都达到了防洪的标准,再遇到1998年那样大的洪水我们也不害怕了。各个城市也都进行了基础设施建设,全国的生态和环境保护都得到了改善,这个效益是很明显的。

其次,基础设施建设带动了工业生产,国有企业增加了 ?nbsp| 收和利润,国有企业改革和脱困的三年目标基本实现。国家的财政收入也大大增加了。我们从去年,也就是说实行积极的财政政策的第三年,看到了这个效果。去年全国财政收入是13880亿元,比1999年增收1960亿元,跨了很大的一个台阶,因此我们能够还债。

因此,中国的财政赤字虽然是增加了,还增加得比较多,但是所有扩大的赤字都是用于基础设施建设,我们有能力使国债能够得到双倍的收益。我认为增发国债没有任何风险。

去年,我跟美国的前财政部长 ?nbsp| 宾先生在新疆见面,我问他对中国实行积极的财政政策有什幺意见。他问我现在国债的余额,我说1.2万亿元,这包括了过去历年借的国债,占我国国内生产总值的14%。他干脆地告诉我说这没有任何危险,离大家公认的警戒线20%还差得很远。当然,我并不是因为他说了这个话就放心了。我是从去年的实践,就是财政收入一年增加1960亿元,感到手里有钱,真金白银都回来了,所以才放心。

这次人民代表大会通过今年再发1500亿元的国债,用于现有国债项目的建设和西部地区大开发的新建项目。我估计明年可能还需要再发1500亿元的国债。经过这两年以后,现有的国债项目都完成了,西部地区的大开发初具规模,国有企业进入良性循环,财政收入增加,社会资金渠道增多,我相信今后不需要再发这幺多国债了。

但是我也有另外一种担心,现在老百姓一听说要发国债,半夜就起来到银行排队,国债一个上午就卖光了。我担心将来不发国债的话,老百姓会对我们有意见。这个道理也很简单,现在银行储蓄的利率一年期只有2.25%,而国债三年期年利率是2.89%,五年期年利率是3.14%。但是,发行国债后,银行的存款并没有减少,在征收利息所得 ?nbsp| 以后,存款依然还在增加。这表明人民对我国的经济是有信心的。

Q: We have noticed that you have stated in the report that China will continue to pursue a proactive fiscal policy. What is your view about the current fiscal deficit? If additional treasury bonds are issued for a few more years will this entail more fiscal risk year after year, and will this lead to inflation?

A: The Asian Financial Crisis broke out in 1997, and that presented China with lots of difficulties. For instance, our exports suffered a drastic decline. In 1997, our exports grew by 20 per cent from the previous year. However, after the crisis had broken out, in 1998, our foreign exports suffered a zero growth rate, or even a negative growth rate. And our small and medium-sized financial institutions also suffered all kinds of crises, like runs on the banks. Because of the lack of demand and the under-capacity operation of State-owned enterprises (SOEs), 10 million workers in SOEs had to be laid off. Much of our industrial and agricultural production was laid idle. How to cope with these difficulties? What kind of measures should we adopt? At that time, we had before us all kinds of proposals. For instance, some people suggested that we should devalue our currency in order to give a boost to our exports. Some other people said why not simply sell State assets, which would have helped us get over the difficulties. But the CPC (Communist Party of China) Central Committee and the State Council made a resolute decision to pursue a proactive fiscal policy and a prudent monetary policy. These policies have been implemented for three years, and facts have proved how successful these policies are.

It is because of historical circumstances at that time. At that time, China did not lack financial resources because people had saved a lot of money in their bank accounts. But because of the surplus production capacity in our industries, banks could not find ideal and efficient projects to make loans to. So they had to suffer the payment of interest to those saving deposits, which were laying idle. If the banks could not make an efficient use of those savings, it would be a tremendous financial burden on the State. Therefore, through the issue of treasury bonds, we sold the bonds to the banks. In this way, we made the best use of the savings in the deposits.

On the other hand, there were excessive surpluses of production capacity on the part of enterprises, so we had to undertake many projects in order to utilize those surplus production capacities. But even with those measures, there were still lots of workers who had to be laid off. So for three years, we issued a total of 360 billion yuan (US$43.5 billion) of treasury bonds, and that led to 1.5 trillion yuan (US$181.3 billion) of total investment in infrastructure projects.

As a result, the overall national economy has been revitalized. The outcome of these policies has been very effective and successful.

First, the money actually went to the infrastructure projects. Over the past three years, with capital raised through these channels, we managed to build 170,000 kilometres of highway, including 10,000 kilometres of expressway. We have also built or upgraded 10,000 kilometres of railway. We have also consolidated the embankments along such rivers as the Yangtze River , which has made them better prepared for floods. If China is hit once again by a flood as serious as the one that hit us in 1998, it would not cause as much concern because the banks have been consolidated. We have also used the money to improve the ecosystem and the environment. We have built some sewage disposal works. The effects are very evident.

Secondly, with these infrastructure projects, enterprises are able to start operation, and this has led to the turning around of State-owned enterprises in three years. It has also led to the increase of tax revenue. The State’s revenues have increased by a wide margin. Last year, we already saw the favourable results of this policy. We saw very clearly that if we boost the production in the national economy, it could lead to the increase of revenue. Last year, the total national revenue amounted to 1.388 trillion yuan (US$167.6 billion), an increase of 196 billion yuan (US$23.7 billion) over that of 1999, and that was a big increase. So we are in a sound financial position to service all those treasury bonds.

It is true that we are seeing a significant increase of fiscal deficits. But we have to keep in mind the fact that all the deficits have been used to support infrastructure projects. We are able to pay back twice as much as the debts that we owe. I don’t see any real risk.

Last year, I had a meeting with former US Treasury Secretary Mr Rubin in Xinjiang. During the meeting, I asked his opinion about China ’s proactive fiscal policy. He asked me about the overall size of the treasury bonds. I said the cumulative amount of the national debt stood at 1.2 trillion yuan (US$144.9 billion), accounting for 14 per cent of the GNP (gross national product). He gave me a very clear-cut answer: "There is no risk at all, because that is still far away from the 20 per cent international safety level." So I was reassured. But certainly I was more reassured by the fact that these policies resulted in the increase of fiscal revenue by 196 billion yuan (US$23.7 billion) last year. So I got real money in my pocket, which gives me real confidence that it won’t lead to any risk.

This year, the State Council’s proposal was adopted by the current session of the National People’s Congress. We will issue an additional amount of 150 billion yuan (US$18.1 billion) of treasury bonds to support the ongoing projects and also to undertake new projects in the development of China ’s western region. I expect that in the next year, maybe another 150 billion yuan of treasury bonds will be issued. With this new issuance of treasury bonds, we will be able to finish all those ongoing projects in two years, and the programme of developing China ’s western region will assume an initial scale. At that time, since we have already arrived at the favourable situation of a sound cycle on the part of State-owned enterprises, and have more fiscal revenue and various channels to raise social capital, I don’t think there is need for us to issue as many treasury bonds as we do now. Or perhaps there is no need at all to issue any treasury bonds to undertake those construction projects. Let’s wait and see.

But I have another concern. When we announce that a new treasury bond will be issued, the general public is very excited. They get up early in the morning and queue before the banks. All the treasury bonds are sold out in a mere morning. If we decide not to issue any more treasury bonds, I am afraid the general public will be quite unhappy.

The reason is simple, it lies in the discrepancy of interest rates. For a one-year deposit, the interest rate is only 2.25 per cent, whereas the interest rate for the three-year maturity treasury bond is 2.87 per cent, and for the five-year maturity treasury bond the interest rate stands at 3.07 per cent. So there is a real difference.

Although we have issued treasury bonds, savings in the banks have not decreased. Since we imposed the interest tax, savings continue to increase in the banks. I think this is proof enough to show that the Chinese public have confidence in the government.

德国金融时报记者:现在越来越多的中国人开始谈到可能会进行政治体制改革问题。几星期前,德国国防部长沙尔平先生访问北京,在同江泽民主席谈话以后,他见了德国的记者,说他同江泽民主席谈到了党的作用问题。昨天我听到中国的高级官员说,中国现在正在研究东欧地区前社会主义国家一些社会民主党的情况。我想问的是,政治体制改革在中国是否已经临近?如果是的话,将从哪些部门开始改起?是从党还是从宪法制度开始改起? 答:中国的政治体制改革一直在进行,而且还在继续进行。但是,我们的政治体制改革绝对不会抄袭西方的模式,也就是说不实行政党的轮流坐庄或者是两院制。我们党内的各项制度要进行改革,包括干部组织人事制度要改革。我们的国家机关,我们的政权机关也需要改革。因此,不存在你说的谁先改谁后改的问题。

Q: Are there political reforms around the corner for China , and where would they start, in the Party or with the Constitution?

A: Political reform in China has been ongoing, and it is continuing to develop. We will never copy the Western model when we carry out political restructuring. In other words, we will not copy the experience of letting two parties take shifts in running the affairs of the State or introduce a two-chamber congress. It is true that we are going to reform the institutions of the Party. For instance we are going to improve our practice with regard to the appointment of leaders, with regard to organizational aspects and with regard to the human resources aspect of the work of the Party. There is also work to do to improve the operation of governmental institutions and other governmental organs. It cannot be said which will come first.

日本NHK记者:我想就日本教科书问题提一个问题,日本已经对历史教科书进行了一些修改,您如何看待日本教科书的修改?另外,教科书问题会不会影响日中两国领导人的互访?

答:中日之间的关系已经在1998年江泽民主席访问日本的时候,共同确定了一种致力于和平和发展的友好合作伙伴关系。去年我访问日本的时候,按照江泽民主席所提出来的 "以史为鉴、面向未来"的精神,和日本政府的领导人进行了友好的会谈,我也向各界人士做了一些增信释疑的工作。我认为目前中日两国关系的主流是很好的。

教科书问题并不仅是中日两国之间的问题,它是日本同整个亚洲有关国家和亚洲人民的问题。如果日本的军国主义者发动侵略战争这个历史事实被歪曲,那不但伤害了中国人民的感情,而且伤害了全亚洲人民的感情。这些教科书是要由日本政府的文部省来审定的,所以日本政府对修改教科书负有不可推卸的责任。不能够以观点言论自由作为借口来推卸这个责任。我听说已经做了一些修改。但是,根据亚洲各国人民的反映,这种修改是不够的。我认为这并不是谁要去干涉日本的内政,而是关系到日本人民同包括中国人民在内的亚洲人民能不能世世代代友好下去的问题,也是关系日本人民的利益的问题。当然,我并不认为这个问题会影响中日两国之间的来往,包括高层的来往。我再次重申,我邀请森喜朗首相今年访问中国。

Q: I’d like to pose a question relating to the textbook issue. Japan has made amendments to the history textbook. What’s your view on those amendments? And what kind of impact will this issue have on the Japan-China relationship and on the exchange of visits between the leaders of the two countries? How would you characterize the current state of affairs in the Japan-China relationship?

A: President Jiang Zemin paid a state visit to Japan in 1998. During that visit, both sides agreed to work towards a friendly and co-operative relationship that is oriented towards peace and development. Ever since then the relationship between the two countries has grown significantly. I myself visited Japan last year. In accordance with the spirit of using history as a guide and mirror and looking forward to the future put forward by President Jiang, I held friendly discussions with leaders of the Japanese government. I also worked to enhance trust and reduce misgivings through meetings and talks with people from all social sectors in Japan . In my opinion, the overall relationship between Japan and China is good.

The question of the history textbook is not just an issue between China and Japan . Rather it is an issue between Japan and all the Asian countries and people throughout Asia . If the past history of aggression started by Japanese militarists is denied and if the historical facts are distorted, it will not only hurt the feelings of the Chinese people, but also those of people throughout Asia .

Since the textbook would have to be reviewed by the Japanese Government, or to be more specific, the Ministry of Education, the Government of Japan bears unshirkable responsibility to have those amendments made.

They should not avoid taking responsibility on the grounds that people have freedom of view and freedom of speech. I know that certain changes to the amendments have already been made. But according to the views of people throughout Asia , these changes are not enough.

I don’t think this is an issue that should be regarded as interference in Japan ’s internal affairs. Rather, this is a serious issue that will have a bearing on whether or not the people of Japan and of other Asian countries, including China , can develop a friendly relationship from generation to generation. So it is also in the interests of Japan to have this problem solved.

I don’t think this should affect interactions between China and Japan or exchange of visits between senior leaders. On this occasion I’d like to once again extend my invitation to the Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori to visit China this year. Last year I paid a visit to Japan . I felt I had very good communication with Japanese people during my visit, and it left me with a memorable impression.

中央电视台记者:本届政府任期间,在政府机构改革和职能转变方面取得了重大进展,您这一次在关于十五计划纲要的报告里提出,要进一步实行政企分开,切实转变政府职能。请问您对于目前政府机构改革和职能转变方面哪些进展比较满意,哪些方面还不太满意?哪些方面准备着力推进?

答:我认为本届政府的机构改革是成功的。从1998年以后,我们用很短的时间,通过机构改革,使包括国务院系统的机关干部,从33000人减少到16000多人,也就是说减了一半,没有发生任何的动荡。现在各省、自治区、直辖市的政府机构也按照同样的比例进行了精简。今年我们又确定,对于市县的机构按照20%的比例进行精简,辞退编外人员。这些政府机构的改革,对于提高政府的效率和政府职能的转变,有很大的好处。现在政府机构的办事效率有很大的提高。

当然,我也有不满意的地方,就是我们政府机构的职能转变还没有完成,有些干部习惯于计划经济体制下的政府工作,对于在社会主义市场经济条件下政府职能还不是很清楚,做了一些不应该做的事情,我把这个叫做角色错位。我们还在进行改革,去年已经把十个国家局,相当于过去的十个部撤销了9个,改革了1个。这就是很大的变化。同时,我们还加强一些适应社会主义市场经济要求的部门,比方说国家工商行政管理局、国家质量技术监督局和国家出入境检验检疫局、新闻出版署,这些部门我们要加强、要升格,也就是说他们原来是副部级单位,现在要变成正部级单位。当然,职能的转变,不是一件容易的事,需要时间,我们将继续努力。

Q: I would like to ask a question relating to political restructuring. We have noticed that significant progress has been made since you took office in the institutional reform of the government as well as the transformation of the functions of government. In the outline of the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), you also said efforts should be made to further separate government administration from enterprises’ management to effectively transform the functions of government. May I ask about the progress made so far in this field? What has left you satisfied and what has left you feeling unsatisfied? And in what area are you going to press ahead with greater efforts?

A: I think our efforts in carrying out government institutional reform have been successful. Since 1998, in a very short period of time, we have managed to cut down the size of the staff of the State Council from 33,000 to 16,000, a margin of 50 per cent, and no dislocation resulted. And the provincial and municipal governments have also reduced their staff by the same proportion. And this year we have asked county and city level governments to cut their staff by 20 per cent. For those people that are not in the personnel quota, they will be asked to leave government offices. As a result, I think the government has improved its work efficiency and improved its institutional functions. So I can say that as far as the State Council departments are concerned, our work efficiency has improved significantly.

Of course, there are still some aspects that I am not very satisfied with. For instance, we are yet to complete our task in transforming the functions of government. Our staff are too accustomed to working under the planned economy. They are not adjusted well enough to the socialist market economy, so they are not highly aware of the proper role they should play under the socialist market economy. And the reforms in this area is still going on. Last year we actually reformed 10 bureaux, bureaux that were actually ministries in early days. So we dissolved nine industrial bureaux and we reformed one bureau. That was a very significant change. With regard to other departments, for those that meet the needs of the socialist market economy, we have reinforced them, particularly institutions like the State Administration of Industry and Commerce, the State Bureau of Quality and Technical Supervision and the State Exit-entry Inspection and Quarantine Bureau. For these types of institutions, they have to be reinforced and upgraded from the vice-ministerial level to full ministerial level.

Of course, it is no easy job at all to transform the functions of government. It takes time, and we will continue to work very hard.


俄罗斯劳动报记者:今年在上海要举行"上海五国" 元首会晤。请问中俄经济合作的前途如何,对中国的西部开发会起什幺作用?

答:我想 "上海五国"元首第六次会晤将继续过去的成果,包括推动经济合作的成果。通过首脑之间的交流,这个成果会有进一步的发展。西部大开发是中国第十个五年计划的一个重要内容,我想首脑会议一定会讨论这个问题,并且将采取措施促进我们之间的合作。

Q: In the second half of this year, there will be the first ever summit of the "Shanghai Five" (The group consists of China , Kazakhstan , Tajikistan , Russia and Kyrgyzstan ) at the prime ministerial level. What is your view of the prospects for economic co-operation and trade among the "Shanghai Five." What kind of role could it play to facilitate China ’s development of western regions?

A: Certainly the summit of the prime ministers in the "Shanghai-Five" meeting will build on what we have already achieved in the past. The heads of governments of the "Shanghai Five" states will try to work for even greater results from their co-operation. Of course, since the development of China ’s western regions is an important policy outlined in the 10th Five-Year Plan, we will certainly discuss it in the meeting, and we will try to work out measures to promote these efforts.

CNN记者:在刚刚结束的全国人民代表大会的闭幕式上,我们看到对于最高人民法院和最高人民检察院的报告,有不少代表投了反对票和弃权票,请问他们的这种反应是不是对于政府打击腐败的能力缺乏信心?

答:我对于今天的表决结果内心既感到沉重,也感到高兴,因为比去年的情况还是好一些,以三分之二的多数通过了这两个报告。我们一定会更加警醒,进一步改善我们的政法工作、反腐败工作。我认为,这个投票结果并不表示人民群众对我们丧失信心,人民群众是信任我们的。

Q: The closing session of the NPC says there are quite a few no-votes and abstentions on the work report - Supreme Court and Chief Procurator reports. Do you agree that this kind of response from the NPC delegates reflects the lack of confidence in the government’s ability to deal with corruption?

A: Well, after seeing the results of the votes, I do actually feel it is quite serious. But on the whole I feel quite happy because it is a big improvement over the situation last year. Both reports were adopted with over two-thirds majority.

Of course, this still shows that people are less satisfied with the work of the government, particularly the State Council.

We should use the voting result as a constant reminder and urge that we should work even harder to strengthen our work in the judicial field and carry out anti-corruption work even better. But I do not think this reflects the loss of confidence among the general public on the ability of the government to wipe out corruption. The general public do trust the government.


香港星岛日报记者:不久前您提到将聘请香港的金融专家担任中国人民银行的副行长,请问是否已经物色到人选?除了中央银行和证监会,其它的部门会否也有相同的计划?这种安排是否会引起内地其它一些官员的不满,您对来自海外的人才有何要求和期望? 答:当今世界的竞争是人才的竞争。因此,我们决定要从海外我们的留学生中,从香港、澳门、台湾,吸收和利用人才,来加强我们在世界上的竞争能力。引进这些人才的重点,是那些开放程度越来越大、竞争越来越激烈的部门,比如说银行、证券、保险等行业,以及国有大型企业的管理层。

香港证监会的副主席史美伦女士来担任中国证监会的副主席,这仅仅是一个开始,我们还会继续实行这个政策。当然,我现在并没有确定的人选,我希望听取各界,也包括你对我提出的意见,这样便于我们进行充分的考虑和比较。 Q: Not so long ago, you said you would invite financial experts from Hong Kong to compete for the position of deputy governor of the central bank. Have you already found appropriate candidates for this post?

And, in addition to the People’s Bank and China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), what other departments in the central government would recruit people from Hong Kong or overseas to take leading positions?

Would their service cause discontent among their fellow colleagues in the mainland? And what expectations do you have on these professionals recruited from outside mainland?

A: In today’s world, competition among states is mainly a competition among talented professionals. Therefore, it is a decision adopted by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to fully absorb and make use of the talented people among our overseas students and among the professionals in Hong Kong , Macao and Taiwan . This will help us strengthen our competitive edge.

The departments that would introduce talented people from outside are those that are exposed to increasingly fierce competition and that are opening wider to the outside world. This would include departments mainly in the banking sector, securities industry, insurance industry, etc. And, also, there is particular need for some large State-owned enterprises to recruit outside talented people to serve at the top management level.

Madam Shih May-Lung of the Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission will serve as the vice-chairwoman of the CSRC. This move only represents the beginning of our work in the field. We will continue to pursue this policy. I don’t have any fixed candidates yet. I would rather hear recommendations from people from all walks of life, and maybe you can also make suggestions regarding the best candidates for those posts.


新加坡联合早报记者:我想问的问题是关于NMD和TMD,我们知道中国强烈和坚决反对美国发展NMD和将台湾纳入TMD,但是,如果美国一意孤行的话,中国会怎幺办?

答:你这个问题我一句话很难回答,是不是允许我谈一谈中美关系的问题?我想这也是大家所关心的。布什总统上任以来,政府换了新人,有些人我们不很熟悉,有的还不认识。因此,中美关系的磨合还需要一个过程。我们从华盛顿得到了很多的信息,我们非常认真地研读和仔细地解析,我们有时候感到这些信息有些矛盾,需要澄清,我们也得到了使我们满意的澄清。有些问题我们感到是误会,需要沟通,我们也进行了有效的沟通。钱其琛副总理即将访问美国,这就是我们在高层次的沟通。我也收到了鲍威尔国务卿的来信。我要郑重地告诉大家,江泽民主席和布什总统之间的信息渠道是畅通的,他们保持着密切的联系。我们得到的直接的信息是布什总统重视中美关系,认为这种关系有助于构筑21世纪,而且他希望和江泽民主席一道,共同促进中美两国关系稳定、健康地发展。

我们被明确告知,美国将坚持一个中国的政策,继续履行在中美三个联合公报中的承诺。关于我们两国存在的分歧,布什总统也表示,将会通过平等、互相尊重、协商的方式来解决。他也相信,台湾问题将会得到妥善的解决。

当然,我们也有分歧,比方说美国新政府的一些高级人士认为,中美双方所确定的面向21世纪的建设性的战略伙伴关系是不对的,应该改为竞争对手关系。但是,他们也认为,竞争对手不一定是敌人。所以,我认为这个问题还需要沟通,关键是怎幺理解战略伙伴关系。我们所讲的战略,就是长期稳定的意思。中国的外交政策从来是不结盟,也不针对第三者。至于伙伴关系与竞争对手,并不是矛盾的。当前,和平与发展是时代的主题。在经济全球化的形势下,国与国之间既有竞争,也有合作。我很高兴听到鲍威尔先生讲,中美虽然是竞争对手,但是在贸易方面还是伙伴。而且他也认为,在其它领域中美也应该进行合作。因此,我看这个分歧不算太大。我记得1998年,我在伦敦参加亚欧会议,与正在伦敦的美国前总统老布什见面的时候,他第一句话就问我,你们中国的私有化搞得怎幺样了?顺利吗?我当时吃了一惊,我说布什先生,中国不搞私有化,我们搞的是股份制。股份制是公有制的多种实现形式之一。我赞成布什总统说的,中美两国的友好合作关系,有利于构筑21世纪。我也相信,中美两国近16亿人民之间长期稳定的友好合作关系,一定会有利于全世界60亿人民之间的和平发展、繁荣稳定。

我们很高兴布什总统接受江泽民主席的邀请,将要参加今年10月20日在上海举行的APEC领导人非正式会晤并访问北京,我相信这是我们相互沟通的一个大好机会。

关于NMD,中国的立场是明确的:反对。因为它违反了反导条约,同时它只会导致国际的军备竞赛。我们多次明确向美国表明了我们的态度。我们也知道,布什总统表示会和中国进行协商。

Q: I have a question concerning National Missile Defence (NMD) and Theatre Missile Defence (TMD) systems. We know China is firmly opposed to the development of NMD by the US and also opposed to the US attempt to incorporate Taiwan under the TMD system. My question is that if the United States decides to go ahead with these two programmes, how will China react?

A: It is hard for me to answer your question in a single sentence. Maybe I can share with you my observation on China-US relations.

We know there has been a new US administration with George W. Bush taking office, and we are not familiar with it. We have not got acquainted with some members of the US Government, and it takes time for the two sides to get to know each other.

We have heard information from Washington , and with regard to this, we always take a very close look at it and try to analyze what the implications are. But sometimes we do get very complicated information from Washington . We would ask them to make clarification. In some cases they have made clarifications to our satisfaction. And in other cases, because of the misunderstanding, there is a need for us to make effective communication with each other. Vice-Premier Qian Qichen will soon pay a visit to the United States , and this represents an exchange of views at a high level. I myself have received a letter from Secretary of State Colin Powell.

Now I want to tell you that the channel of exchange of views between President Jiang Zemin and President George W. Bush is open and unimpeded and they have kept in close touch.

The message we have received directly from the United States is that President Bush attaches importance to relations with China , and in his view, the China-US relationship is important and helpful for the shaping of the 21st century. He has also expressed the hope that, together with President Jiang, he will work to bring about a stable and steadily growing China-US relationship.

They have told us in clear-cut terms that the United States continues to adhere to the one-China principle and they will continue to honour the commitment as enshrined in the three China-US communiques.

With regard to the differences between China and the United States , President Bush has also stated that these should be resolved through consultation on the basis of equality and mutual respect. He also expressed that he believes the question of Taiwan will certainly be appropriately resolved.

There also exist some differences between China and the United States . For instance, according to certain senior members of the US administration, they believe that the constructive strategical partnership with orientation towards the 21st century as agreed upon by the two sides was a misnomer and it does not reflect the true picture. Relations between the two countries should be characterized as competitive rivalry.

But it is also their view that competitors are not necessary enemies.

There is a need for better communication to properly understand the connotations of the constructive strategical partnership. We actually mean to strategically bring about a long-term stable relationship with the United States . In our foreign policy, it has been our consistent stance not to enter into any alliance with any other country and the relationship will never target any third country.

Partnership and competition are not always at odds with each other. Now the theme of the world is peace and development, and we are seeing the growing trend of economic globalization, so countries compete and co-operate at the same time. I am therefore pleased to hear from Mr Powell that although China and the United States are competitors, they are indeed partners in the field of trade.

He also holds the view that China and the United States are to co-operate in other areas, so I do not think the differences are very serious.

I still remember my meeting with former US President George Bush when I went to London in 1998 for the Asia-Euro meeting. He asked me how I am progressing with the privatization programme in China . I was quite shocked. I told him that China did not go for privatization.

What we are doing in China is actually corporatization, and corporatization is only one of the many ways to realize public ownership. The answer I got from former US President George Bush was "Well, no matter how do you describe it, we know what is going on." We all agree.

And I also had the impression that he was quite right. Maybe this can also be described as each expressing the consensus in their own way.

I fully endorse this view of President Bush that friendly relations and co-operation between China and the United States would be helpful for the shaping of the 21st century, and also believe that the long-term stable friendly relations and co-operation between 1.6 billion Chinese and the American people would be in the interests of peace, development, prosperity and stability for the entire 6 billion world population.

I am also very happy that President Bush has already accepted the invitation from President Jiang to attend the informal APEC leadership meeting that is scheduled for October 20 this year in Shanghai , and also pay a state visit to China . I am very pleased because the visit to China by President Bush will present an excellent opportunity for the two countries to communicate better with each other.

Now I can come back to your question concerning NMD. Our stance is a clear-cut one: We are opposed to NMD.

We are opposed to it because it is against the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and it can only lead to an international arms race.

We have explicitly expressed our position on many occasions on this issue to the US side, and we have noted that President Bush has expressed the view that they will have consultations with China on this issue.


法国世界报记者:最近对中国股市的问题正在进行激烈的辩论。有人认为中国的股市就像一个赌场,有人认为中国的股市有崩溃的风险。我想问中国政府对于股市的发展奉行什幺样的政策?A股市场和B股市场合并有没有一个时间表?上海和深圳两个股市的合并有没有计划?另外,我们注意到,中国一些上市公司经营不善,但是迄今为止,还没有看到任何一家上市公司被摘牌,上市公司由于经营不善被摘牌这种情况是否会在中国股市发生?对于这些经营不善的上市公司,中国是否会采取严厉的措施?

答:关于中国股市有各种各样的看法,这不是说明中国有言论自由吗?因此,我对中国股市的状况不会做任何评论。我们的既定方针就是要加强证券市场的法制、规范、监管、自律。最近,中国证监会对B股的改革,是我们对股市整顿和改革的一个新尝试,目的就是要利用中国目前居民手中近800亿美元的外汇,为他们开辟一条新的投资渠道。同时,我们也希望,这样能够吸引更多的外国投资者来投资B股,促进 B股的发展。至于A股和B股会不会合并,证监会没有谈到这个问题。我没有排除它们合并的可能,但是这需要有一个相当长的时间。至于上市公司的整顿,是股票市场加强监管的一个核心问题。中国证监会正在采取各种措施,来加强这一方面的工作,摘牌肯定是他们考虑的一个措施。 Q: Mr Premier, there is currently a hot debate in China about the stock market. Some people have warned against a market casino, others feel the risk of crush. Could you tell us about the Chinese Government’s mid-term policy? Is there any timing regarding the merger of A shares and B shares and the merger of Shanghai and Shenzhen markets?

And there is another hot debate about the delisting of companies which are badly run. So far there has been no delisting. When will it happen? Are you ready to take harsh actions against such companies?

A: With regard to China ’s stock market, there are all sorts of comments and opinions. I think it is evident enough that people in China enjoy freedom of speech. I will refrain from making any comments on China ’s stock exchange, except I will tell you our set policy. Our policy is that we should strengthen the rule of law over the securities market, which will make them more standardized in their operation. We will strengthen regulation and ask them to enhance self-discipline.

Recently the CSRC has introduced some reform measures to the B-share market. This is a new attempt to reform China ’s stock market. The purpose is to open up an additional channel for investment for those Chinese citizens that own foreign exchange. The total amount of foreign exchange they own now stands at more than US$80 billion. We also hope that such a move will be able to attract more foreign investors to invest in the B-share market and promote the development of China ’s stock market.

Whether or not the A-share market and B-share market will merge -the CSRC has not talked about this yet. I have not ruled out such a possibility. So let’s wait and see. But I think it will take a fairly long period of time.

With regard to the delisting of the poorly run enterprises, certainly this is a core issue that the CSRC is considering to strengthen regulations, and I am sure delisting would be one of the measures they would consider. It’s on their minds.


人民日报记者:现在社会上对收入分配问题意见比较强烈,您在"十五"计划纲要的报告中也提出,要规范社会分配秩序,防止收入差距过分扩大。请问您怎样看待当前收入差距的问题?政府准备采取哪些有力措施调节收入分配?

答:收入分配差距过大的问题,值得我们认真注意。但是我认为,目前还没有达到严重的地步。据1999年的调查,根据国际惯例所计算的基尼系数是0.39,也就是说,接近于国际认为的警戒线的水平。但是我认为,由于下面的一些原因,问题还没有那幺严重。第一,因为历史上城乡收入差距很大。由于目前粮食供给的相对过剩,粮价下跌,农民收入增幅有所下降,特别是粮食主产区的农民收入下降更多一些。这个问题,党中央、国务院非常重视,已经把增加农民收入作为当前经济工作的首要任务,放在突出的位置,我们将出台一系列措施来解决这个问题。第二,城市居民中,由于国有企业改革还没有完成,下岗和失业的职工还比较多。因此,在职职工和下岗职工之间收入差距也越来越大。这个问题,我们将通过完善和建立规范的社会保障体系和改进再就业的工作来解决。第三,某些行业或者由于历史的原因,或者由于垄断的优势,收入过高。我们将对这些垄断行业,包括电力、电信、铁路、民航进行体制改革,改变他们的垄断地位。当然,我们还会通过 ?nbsp| 收的手段来缩小收入的差距。比方说健全个人所得?nbsp| 制,收入最高的应该交45%的?nbsp| ,这些方面我们执行得还不很好,今后要更好地改进,要依法征收。总之,对收入分配差距问题是三句话:值得注意,尚不严重,正在解决。 Q: The general public feel very strongly about the income gap between different groups of people. In the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), you have also called for the regulation of social distribution in order to avoid excessive discrepancies in income distribution.

What is your comment about the current gap in income distribution, and what forceful measures will the government adopt to solve the problem?

A: According to a survey done in 1999, the Gini co-efficient stood at 0.39, which was quite close to the international danger level. But for the following reasons, the situation is not as serious as it seems.

First, the income gap between urban and rural residents was something caused by historical reasons. At the moment, there is relative surplus in food supply and the price of grain has dropped, which has resulted in a decline in the increase of income for farmers in the grain producing areas. The CPC Central Committee and the State Council have attached great importance to this issue and we have taken it as our top priority to help increase the farmers’ income. This has been given very prominent position in the report and we are going to adopt a series of measures to see their income increases.

Secondly, the income gap among urban residents. The reform of State-owned enterprises is not complete yet and there are still numerous workers who will be laid off or unemployed and the income gap between the working population on the one hand and laid-off workers on the other is widening. We are going to have these problems solved through the improvement and establishment of a standardized social security system and also through better work in helping them get re-employed.

Third, the monopoly has been formed because of historical reasons. Certain sectors and certain industries have been over paid. Let me quote a satirical poem to describe the industries that are pretty well-off in their salaries. They include the banking industry, securities industry, insurance industry, the power sector, telecommunication industry plus the tobacco industry. Those working in the oil and natural gas industry and the petrochemical industry are also pretty well paid.

And of course, we will resort to taxation as an approach to narrowing the income gap. For instance, the highest tax rate for personal income tax can be as high as 45 per cent. In other words, nearly half of the personal income will be turned over as tax. But the policy in taxation has not been adequately implemented. There is still room for improvement. So in the future, we will try to work hard and collect taxes in accordance with the law.

To sum up, with regard to the problem you have raised, it deserves careful attention, although it is not serious yet. We have already been working to resolve it

英国SKY N ews电视台记者:请问您是否真的认为,江西的一所小学校是由于一个孤僻的、脑子有问题的人背了两袋子鞭炮炸毁的?你是否担心,由于您这样一个说法,使得国际社会对于中国经济改革的注意力被分散了?

答:我对江西万载县芳林小学发生的爆炸事件心情感到很沉重,我向遇难者表示沉痛的哀悼,对于他们的家属表示慰问。发生这样一件事情,特别是发生在江泽民主席对于这种爆炸事件多次作出批示的情况下,国务院没有尽到应尽的责任,感到心情沉重,我应该进行检讨。爆炸事件发生以后,江西省省长立即从北京赶回江西处理善后,公安部也派出专家调查组对爆炸的情况进行调查。他们正式的调查结果,就像我前几天向报界宣布的那样。在我讲话以后,我知道海内外的新闻界,包括香港一些媒体,认为这一次爆炸是由于学校生产爆竹所引起的,不同意我的看法。因此,我亲自要求公安部长贾春旺再派遣一个6个人的专家调查组,到江西去进行微服私访。他们回来以后给我的报告说,他们发现了一些线索,比方说这个学校在1999年曾经用勤工俭学的名义,让学生做爆竹插引信的工作,但是在去年萍乡爆炸案发生以后,他们停止了这种活动。另外,我们在现场也没有找到生产和装配这种花炮的证据。

今天,我不需要在这里跟对这件事情有怀疑的中外记者进行辩论。我认为,不管事实如何,国务院和我本人都负有不可推卸的责任。也就是说,对于中央和江泽民主席的指示执行不力。但是我也相信,不管怎幺样,历史是不能隐瞒的,我们将继续调查这件事情,使它能够水落石出。但是,目前我们没有证据来否定原来的结论。 我今天向全国人民承诺,我们一定会从这件事情吸取足够的教训,重申和完善已经制定的法规,就是说,绝对不能允许学生和未成年的儿童进行有生命危险的劳动。如果因此导致危害他们的生命安全,一定会把县长、乡长、镇长立即撤职,并且依法追究他的刑事责任,对于省长也应该给予行政处分。我们一定会实现对人民的承诺。 Q: Do you genuinely believe that it was a lone madman with two bags of fireworks who destroyed a school?

A: I was really distressed when I learned the news of the explosion in the primary school in Jiangxi . I want to use this occasion to once again express my condolences to those who have lost their lives, also to the grieving families. I feel very sad because this incident occurred despite the fact that President Jiang made lots of important instructions on efforts to prevent explosions and accidents. The State Council has not performed its mission properly. I feel very sad and I carry a very heavy heart. I want to apologize and review and reflect on my own work.

After the incident occurred, the governor of Jiangxi hurried back from Beijing immediately to deal with the aftermath. The Ministry of Public Security also dispatched experts to investigate the causes of the incident, and they have submitted a formal report. The result was as I already told to the media a few days ago.

I know overseas media and media in Hong Kong did not agree with the explanation I gave them. They all chose to believe that the explosion was caused by production of fireworks by the students.

Therefore, I personally asked the Minister of Public Security Minister Jia Chunwang to send a six-member expert group to do an investigation on their own without wearing uniforms in Jiangxi .

They did report to me some clues. For instance, they said the school in 1999 did ask some students to mount fuse to fireworks in the name of work-for-study. But since an explosion incident in Pingxiang relating to the fireworks industry, the school had stopped such practices. At the scene of the explosion, no evidence has been found which would indicate the production of fireworks or the assemble of fireworks.

Today, there is no need for me to have a debate with those skeptical journalists, those from foreign countries and those from regions like Hong Kong and elsewhere in China . The fact is the State Council and myself in particular have not adequately implemented instructions of the CPC Central Committee and President Jiang in particular on avoiding those incidents. Having said that, I want to emphasize that I do believe no one is able to cover up historical truth, so investigation will continue until we get the full picture. But up to now there is no evidence that can be found to override the conclusion we already drew.

Here, I want to solemnly commit before the people of this country that we should learn lessons from this incident and I want to re-emphasize that we should formulate and reiterate regulations. That is, we will never allow anyone to ask students or minors to engage in activities and work that will pose danger to their lives. Should an incident occur that costs the loss of human life, then the head of the county, the village and the city would be sacked from office immediately; they will also be held criminally responsible for those incidents. With regard to the governor of the province, he will also be disciplined.

The State Council will certainly fulfil its commitments it has made to the Chinese people.


台湾中国时报记者:现在两岸关系还是僵持状态,我不知道总理有没有想过采取一些不一样的具体的方式,来化解两岸的僵持。比如说在不提出任何先决条件下推动两岸"三通",或者是像去年下半年钱副总理说的那样,大陆和台湾同属于一个中国,就是用更有弹性的方式来解释一个中国。

答:关于台湾问题,中国所有领导人的讲话都是明确的、一致的,也就是根据 "一国两制"的原则和江泽民主席的八项主张来办事。现在关键的问题是有人不承认一个中国的原则。如果不承认一个中国,有什幺可以谈的呢?如果承认一个中国,什幺问题都可以谈。关于"三通"的问题,我们从1979年以来就作出最大的努力来促进" 三通"的实现。我们的原则从来都很明确,那就是"一国两制",直接"三通"、双向交流、互惠互利。我们希望台湾当局回到一个中国的立场上来,那样什幺问题都可以谈。如果不承认一个中国,甚至不承认自己是中国人,那怎幺谈呢?

Q: Ever since 1998, people, including those from Taiwan , have had very high expectations about the press conferences that you give. The mainland has already listed national reunification as one of three major tasks, however, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits are still at stalemate. What measures can you come up with to break the deadlock? For instance, without setting any pre-condition, can you think of any measure to advance the "three direct links?" Or, could you explain and interpret the one-China principle more flexibly to bring about the breaking of the deadlock? For instance, in the latter half of last year, Vice-Premier Qian Qichen has stated that there is but one China in the world, mainland and Taiwan are parts of one China and China’s sovereignty and integrity brook no division, could such moves help solve the problem?

A: With regard to the settlement of the question of Taiwan , all the statements made by the Chinese leaders are clear-cut and consistent. That is, this question should be resolved on the basis of the "one country, two systems" principle and the Eight-Point Proposal put forward by President Jiang.

The most essential issue is whether or not the one-China principle is recognized. If the one-China principle is not recognized, what can be discussed? If the one-China principle is recognized, any subject can be touched upon.

With regard to the "three links," we have made utmost efforts since 1979 in order to achieve "three direct links." The principles are clear: they are "one country, two systems," direct two-way and reciprocity.

We hope the Taiwan authorities will come back to the one-China principle. Under the one-China principle, any issue can be discussed. If they do not recognize the one-China principle, or even worse, they do not admit they are Chinese, then how can such talks get off?


韩国中央日报记者:中国人民完成十五计划的那一年,你认为你会在哪儿?还是在总理的位置上,或者是在学校,或者退休在家?您认为到多大年龄时,您就不再适合担任公职?

答:我最近看到一些新闻媒体特别是英国的《金融时报》说,朱噷基已经老了,也就是说不中用了。也有香港报纸说,可能这次朱噷基的政府工作报告是他最后一次的报告了。我想他们说得也对,我比你们在座的人都老得多。我目前只能说,我的任期是到2003年,现在来谈论今后的人事问题还为时过早。我可以告诉大家的是,明年的政府工作报告还是由我来做,后年的政府工作报告还是我来做。因此,明年的记者招待会还是由我来回答问题,今天提问题没有提够的,欢迎你们明年再来。至于说我什幺时候退休,退休以后干什幺,那幺我可以说,我在1998年的时候就讲了,我将勇往直前,义无反顾,鞠躬尽瘁,死而后已,我现在还是这样,只要活着,还有一口气,就要为人民鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已。

Q: You gave a report on the outline of the 10th Five-Year Plan on March 5. By the year 2005, the Chinese people will have already completed the plan. May I ask at this time where you will be, the prime minister or a professor in a university or simply a retired man. In your opinion, when will you be too old to hold public office?

A: Indeed, recently I came across some reports, for instance a story carried in the Financial Times, which said that Premier Zhu is really old. In other words, I am already good for nothing. Some Hong Kong reports said that this will be the last time I deliver the report before Congress.

They are right in the sense that I am old, much older than perhaps all of you here. All I can say is that my term of office will last until 2003.

It is too early for me to declare who will succeed me as the next premier.

One thing is certain: I will be delivering the report on the work of the government next year and the year after next.

So I will be here again next year to host a press conference and will meet you all again.

As to what I am going to do after retirement, I have already answered very clearly in 1998 when I said I would press ahead without any hesitation and devote all I have to the country and the people until the last minute of my life. This is what I have been doing and this is what I am going to do.


法国欧洲时报记者:去年秋天中国的基金发生了很大的问题,后来经过严格的整顿,加强了监管。请问今后五年中,证券市场的监管重点是在什幺地方?是上市公司还是交易秩序?

答:从今年开始,中国证券市场的任务,或者说中国证监会的任务,就是要加强监管,通过法制规范的办法,来实行公正、公平、公开。当然,它的监管重点是上市公司、证券公司和投资基金。这是一个长期的任务。但是今年要取得突出的或者说比较显着的成绩。

Q: We know that last autumn some problems occurred with the funds in the Chinese securities markets, and there was a rectification effort that resulted in strengthened regulation. So my question is, in the next five years, what will be the focus of your regulation effort towards the securities market? Will you target your effort at listed companies, securities brokerages or the order of the market?

A: Beginning from this year, the primary task of the China Securities Regulatory Commission is to strengthen regulation through legal regime and to standardize the operation of the market to make sure the market is fair, equitable and open. Of course, the focus of the regulatory efforts will be the listed companies and investment funds. This will be a prolonged task, but we expect to achieve noticeable results this year.


?nbsp| 费改革被称为继中国土地改革和家庭承包经营之后第三次农村革命,毫无疑问,它将从根本上减轻农民的负担。但是,从目前的试点情况来看,也有人担心这种改革会导致一些新的问题,比如乡镇面临财政困难,农村教育经费短缺,请问国家将采取哪些措施来解决这些问题?

答:农村 ?nbsp| 费改革是一次很大的革命,我们绝不能低估它的重要性、复杂性和艰巨性。目前从农民手里收取300亿元的农业?nbsp| ,600亿元的乡统筹、村提留,再加上乱收费,恐怕从农民那里一年要拿1200亿元甚至更多。我们这一次的?nbsp| 费改革,就是要把现在收取的300亿元的农业?nbsp| ,提高到500亿元,也就是农业?nbsp| 率从5%提高到8.4%;与此同时,把乡统筹、村提留的600亿元和各种乱收费一律减掉。这样会出现一个很大的收支缺口。中央财政准备拿出200亿到300亿元补贴给农村,给有困难的省、自治区、直辖市。但是,这个缺口还是很大的。这些收费主要是用在农村的教育上。因此,如果不对农村的教育体制进行改革,补贴这些钱是不够的。但是我们下决心,一方面要减轻农民的负担,一方面要保证农村义务教育的需要,这是坚定不移的。我们首先在安徽省进行试点,然后再在全国推广,这是一个非常重大的任务。但是,这个改革如果得到成功,我们的农业基础就稳固了,农村就稳定了,国民经济发展就有了更好的基础。

Q: I’ve got a question concerning China ’s agriculture. The reform of taxation and fees in the countryside has been referred to as the third rural revolution following the land reform and the reform of the household responsibility system. Undoubtedly, this reform will fundamentally reduce the burden on Chinese farmers. But according to the results of the pilot project, some people have found that this might create new problems. For instance, organizations at the township level might not have adequate financial resources at their disposal, and education in rural areas will be underfunded as a result. What measures will the Chinese Government adopt to solve these problems?

A: You are very right in saying that the reform of taxation and fees in the countryside is a major revolution. We should never underestimate the importance, complexity and difficulty of this reform endeavour.

Every year we collect 30 billion yuan (US$3.6 billion) of agricultural tax from Chinese farmers, 60 billion yuan (US$7.2 billion) from township contributions and funds raised by villages, and money is also taken away from farmers in the form of unauthorized fees and the collection of funds. So perhaps totally in a year, 120 billion yuan (US$14.5 billion) or even a larger amount than that is taken away from farmers.

Indeed, as a result of the reform of taxation and fees, we will increase the 30 billion yuan (US$3.6 billion) of agricultural tax to 50 billion yuan (US$6 billion). That is, the rate of this type of tax will be increased from 5 per cent to 8.4 per cent. And with regard to the other fees, like township contributions and money retained by villages, that is 60 billion yuan as I explained earlier. All sorts of other unauthorized fees will no longer be collected. This will result in a big shortfall in financial resources. In the face of this problem, and in face of the shortfall, the central government will make available 20 to 30 billion yuan in subsidies to the countryside and to provinces and cities with difficulties. Nevertheless, maybe there will still be a shortfall of financial resources. So to solve this problem, we will have to reform the educational system in the countryside because most of the fees previously collected actually found their way to support education. So if the educational system is not reformed, there will not be enough money to support it. Generally speaking, we are determined to go forward with this reform. We want to reduce the burdens of Chinese farmers on the one hand and, on the other, we must ensure that compulsory education will be made universally available in the countryside. We are determined to have this done. We will first start with the pilot project in Anhui Province . After that, the experience will be spread to elsewhere throughout the country. This is regarded as a very important task for the State Council, but if this reform endeavour turns out to be a great success, then agriculture will have a solid foundation. The farmers, with their burdens reduced, will lead a happy life and the national economy can have a more solid foundation to continue to develop.


路透社记者:您的报告中谈到了江泽民主席的"三个代表"的思想、"以德治国"的思想,请问对于普通人来讲,"三个代表"对他们意味着什幺,"以德治国"对他们又意味着什幺?

答:我想,江泽民主席提出 "三个代表"的思想," 以德治国"的理念,都是对马克思主义理论的发展。在这个问题上,我们中央的意见是完全一致的。但是你让我在这个地方来阐明这个思想,我想不是时候,也许我们需要开一次研讨会。

Q: I noticed in your work report that you included several elements of Jiang Zemin’s theories, including the ’’Three Represents’’ and Rule by Virtue. Since you are famous for very plain and easy-understanding language, can you explain to us what the Three Represents means to the man on the street and also what Rule by Virtue means as you plan to practise it?

A: The theory of Three Represents and the philosophy of Rule by Virtue put forward by President Jiang Zemin is actually the extension and development of Marxism theory. This is not the work of President Jiang himself. The entire CPC Central Committee have agreed on those points. But I don’t think today is the fitting occasion for me to give you a thorough elaboration. Perhaps it will need an international seminar for a thorough discussion about the question you have raised.


澳门日报记者:澳门回归一年多来,各方面的工作都取得了较大进展,开局很好。但是,随着海峡两岸关系的改善和变化,以及中国和中国台北相继加入WTO以后,澳门在经济上的地位和作用会发生什幺变化?澳门的发展前景会怎幺样?这是澳门很多人都关心的一个热点问题,能不能请总理谈一点看法和意见?

答:澳门地域较小,经济规模不大。但是它高度开放,在大陆和台湾地区的经济联系中发挥了很大作用。我相信在中国加入WTO,台湾地区随后也加入WTO以后,澳门更能够发挥它的优势来加强这种联系,更好地发挥它的纽带作用,使它自身的经济也发展得更快、更好。

Q: Macao was returned to the motherland more than one year ago. Since then, fairly big progress has been made and all the endeavours in Macao have had a good beginning. But with the improvement of relations across the Taiwan Straits and with the entry into World Trade Organization (WTO) of both the mainland and Chinese Taipei, what kind of changes will occur in the status and role of Macao in the economy? What is your view on the prospect of development in Macao ? This is an issue of great interest to residents in Macao .

A: Although Macao is quite small in terms of size of territory and modest in its scale of economy, Macao is highly open and plays a very big role in linking the mainland and the region of Taiwan economically. With China ’s entry into the WTO and with the entry into the WTO of Chinese Taipei as a separate customs territory, I’m sure Macao can play an even bigger role as the link between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan and will be able to develop its economy more rapidly.


中国日报记者:今天是3‧15维权日,近年来制造假币,还有棉花、粮食掺假事件时有发生,人民对此反映强烈。请问国务院在打击、遏制这些假冒伪劣产品,保护消费者权益,增强中国产品在国际市场的声誉和竞争能力方面,将采取哪些有效的措施? 答:在社会主义市场经济发展过程中,市场的欺诈行为、假冒伪劣、?nbsp| 蒙诈骗层出不穷,大家可以从《焦点访谈》和其它的电视节目里看到这些情况。我看了以后义愤填膺,晚上睡不着觉。现在我们政府职能的转变就是要加强对市场的监管、查处,保护消费者和人民的利益。在这方面,我们的工作还需要大大加强。因此,我们除了要加强市场监管的立法工作以外,还要加强执法部门的地位和作用。我们将把国家工商行政管理局升格为总局,加强对市场的监管,还要加强质量技术监督局和国家出入境检验检疫局、新闻出版署等等。这些单位都应该发挥他们的市场监管作用。我们今年准备召开一次全国性整顿和规范市场经济秩序的大会,来加强这项工作,包括整顿文化市场。当然,不是搞运动,但是开头总得有点声势,然后把它变成一个持久执法的工作。 Q: Today, March 15, happens to be the day for the protection of the rights and interests of consumers. We have seen numerous problems of counterfeit notes, and adulterated cotton and grain. The general public feel very strongly about those problems. What long-lasting and effective measures will the State Council adopt in order to strike at these problems and to protect the interests of consumers and also to enhance the reputation and competitiveness of Chinese products on the international market?

A: As we develop the socialist market economy, we have seen cases of fraudulent practice in the market. For instance, shoddy and fake goods with inferior quality and fraudulent practices to bilk people out of their money, etc. These instances have been exposed in such TV programmes as Focus and on other TV reports. Every time such instances come to my attention, I am filled with a strong sense of indignation and I cannot sleep well.

Earlier, I talked about the reform of the functions of government. The function of the government under the socialist market economy is to properly supervise market operations, strengthen regulations, fight against shoddy goods and fake products, and to protect the rights and interests of consumers. In these fields, there is still big room for improvement and we will intensify our efforts.

So we have to work harder in legislation to try to better regulate the market. At the same time, we should also improve the quality of law enforcement people. We should strengthen the position and role of the organizations that carry out regulatory functions. One example was actually given in my earlier remarks. The State Administration of Industry and Commerce will be upgraded to a full ministry level organization. We want to strengthen teams such as the organization responsible for the inspection of quality and technical standards, the organization responsible for quarantine and the inspection of imported and exported goods, and also the agency responsible for the quality control of medicine. We need to strengthen the regulatory authorities of those functions. So, this year, we will have a national conference to strengthen our work in these fields. In the beginning, we need to have a large scale meeting in order to have momentum to start the crusade, which will have a long-lasting impact on these problems.


亚太金融新闻社记者:早些时候您谈到农村?nbsp| 费改革时指出,改革以后会有资金的短缺,因此,需要对农村的教育进行改革,但是钱少了,怎幺样才能进行农村教育的改革,从而确保在农村地区的所有孩子都能像城里的孩子一样得到应有的教育?

答:我们一定要实现保证农村义务教育的目标。钱不够,就加钱,而且应该把这个钱用得更加有效。就是说,还应该进行教育体制改革。明年的记者招待会,我可能会对你这个问题回答得更加具体。

Q: You mentioned earlier that there is going to be a reform of the taxation system in the countryside, but there will still be a shortfall in the amount of money that will be available and this will require the reform of the educational system in the rural areas. So if you actually lack money, how are you going to reform the educational system to give the very people who need it a chance to have the same education that everyone is getting in urban areas?

A: A very good question. One thing is very clear - we are determined to make sure that compulsory education is made available to every child in the countryside. If there is a shortfall of financial resources, then we can come up with more financial support. What is more, we should make more efficient use of the money. That is what I mean when I talk about the reform of the educational system in the countryside.

I will be prepared to give you a more detailed answer when I come back here to meet the press next year.


THE END



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